A legal way to kill?
Obama’s veil of
secrecy is pierced
By Judge Andrew P. Napolitano
Wednesday, April 23, 2014
When President Obama decided sometime during his
first term that he wanted to be able to use unmanned aerial drones in foreign
lands to kill people — including Americans — he instructed Attorney General Eric H. Holder to find a way to make it
legal, despite the absolute prohibition on governmental extrajudicial killing
in federal and state laws and in the Constitution itself.
“Judicial killing” connotes a lawful execution
after an indictment, a jury trial, an appeal and all of the due-process
protections that the Constitution guarantees defendants. “Extrajudicial
killing” is a targeted killing of a victim by someone in the executive branch
without due process. The president wanted the latter, and he wanted it in
secret.
He must have hoped his killing would never come
to light, because the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution could not be more
direct: “No person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without due
process of law.”
Due process has a few prongs. The first is
substantive, meaning the outcome must be fair. In a capital murder case, for
example, the defendant must not only be found guilty by a jury, but he also
must truly be guilty.
The second prong of due process is procedural.
Thus, the defendant must be charged with a crime and tried before a neutral
jury. He is entitled to a lawyer, to confront the witnesses against him and to
remain silent. The trial must be presided over by a neutral judge, and in the
case of a conviction, the defendant is entitled to an appeal before a panel of
three neutral judges.
The third prong of due process means that the
defendant is entitled to the procedures “of law”; that is, in the federal
system, as Congress has enacted.
There are numerous additional aspects of due
process, the basics of which emanate from the Constitution itself. Yet, the “of
law” modifier of the constitutional phrase “due process” gives Congress — not the
president — the ability to add to the due-process tools available to a
defendant. Congress may subtract what it has added, but neither Congress nor
the president may remove any of the tools available to the defendant under the
Constitution.
Until now.
Now, we have a president whose principal law
enforcement and intelligence officers have boasted that the president relies on
a legal way to kill people without the time, trouble and cost of due process.
The president himself, as well as the attorney general, boasted of this, as did
the director of national intelligence and the director of the CIA.
Yet when asked by
reporters for The New York Times for this legal rationale, Mr. Holder declined to provide it. He
argued that the legal rationale for the presidential use of extrajudicial
killings was a state secret, and he dispatched Department of Justice lawyers to
court, where they succeeded in persuading a federal judge in New York City to
deny The New York Times’ application to order the government’s legal rationale
revealed.
How can a legal rationale possibly be a state
secret? The facts upon which it is based could be secret, but the laws are
public, the judicial opinions interpreting those laws are public, and there are
no secret, nonpublic parts of the Constitution. Yet notwithstanding the above
observations, The Times lost.
The judge who dismissed the case obviously was
uncomfortable doing so. She wrote: “The Alice-in-Wonderland nature of this
pronouncement is not lost on me; but after careful and extensive consideration,
I find myself struck by a paradoxical situation in which I cannot solve a
problem because of contradictory constraints and rules — a veritable Catch-22.
I can find no way around the thicket of laws and precedents that effectively
allow the Executive Branch of our Government to proclaim as perfectly lawful
certain actions that seem on their face incompatible with our Constitution and
laws, while keeping the reason for their conclusion a secret.”
Two weeks after Judge Colleen McMahon
begrudgingly dismissed that case, the feds decided to gloat, and so they leaked
a 16-page summary of their “secrets” to a reporter at NBC News. To the federal
appeals court to which The Times appealed, that was the last straw.
It is one thing, the appellate court ruled, for
the president and his team to boast that they know how to kill legally by
finding a secret “adequate substitute” for due process and keeping the secret a
secret, but it’s quite another for them to reveal a summary of their secrets to
their favorite reporters.
Thus, earlier this week, a three-judge panel of
the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 2nd Circuit unanimously ordered the Justice
Department to reveal publicly its heretofore secret rationale for extrajudicial
killing.
Welcome to the strange new world of Mr. Obama’s
war on terrorism, in which there are no declarations of war against countries
that foment or harbor enemy activities, as the Constitution authorizes, and in
which the president claims the powers of a king by killing whomever he wishes
under a rationale that his lawyers wrote for him and that he has desperately
tried to keep secret.
The Obama administration is probably right to
fear the revelation of this so-called legal way to kill. The appellate court
decision is a profound and sweeping rejection of the Obama administration’s
passion for hiding behind a veil of secrecy. It is not a decision on the
merits, though: It does not address whether the president may kill, and it only
lifts a small corner of his veil.
We already know that behind Mr. Obama’s veil
lies a disingenuous president who claims he can secretly kill fellow Americans.
Who knows what else we will find?
Andrew P. Napolitano, a former judge of the
Superior Court of New Jersey, is an analyst for the Fox News Channel. He has
written seven books on the U.S. Constitution.
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